WARNING: This is Version 1 of my old archive, so Photos will NOT work and many links will NOT work. But you can find articles by searching on the Titles. There is a lot of information in this archive. Use the SEARCH BAR at the top right. Prior to December 2012; I was a pro-Christian type of Conservative. I was unaware of the mass of Jewish lies in history, especially the lies regarding WW2 and Hitler. So in here you will find pro-Jewish and pro-Israel material. I was definitely WRONG about the Boeremag and Janusz Walus. They were for real.
Original Post Date: 2011-04-22 Time: 15:00:01 Posted By: News Poster
By Ngoni Muzofa
IN the second of the three part review of the book Citizen of Zimbabwe: Conversations with Morgan Tsvangirai, Stephen Chan, poses questions to Morgan Tsvangirai on the MDC’s economic, military and foreign policy among other issues.
Chan is a professor of International Relations at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London.
In July 2004, as he was awaiting the verdict in his treason trial, Tsvangirai spent several days in conversation with Stephen Chan.
Moving on to the MDC’s economic policy, Chan remarked that it all sounded urban-centric focusing on business people, workers and entrepreneurs. So where was the rural population and rural productivity?
“I regard the thrust away from subsistence, to urbanisation (and) industrialisation, as a thrust of the MDC. There is no economy which has developed by creating more peasants than industrial workers. If we want to tackle rural poverty there is need to increase productivity in those areas.
“But that productivity is not going to come about unless you create conditions in the rural areas that will bring something much more than just a subsistence economy. And the question of support, rural sub-sectors, training of rural farmers, small-scale farmers, the question of marketing, will become part of that thrust to create the right conditions.”
For Tsvangirai the question is one of effectiveness, not the gross number of workers in any sector. However Chan believes one of the faults of the MDC is that it has never really had a dynamic front bench spokesperson on agriculture and rural productivity.
“Yes, I think there has been some weakness. I do think that the rural productivity has not come out clearly – – but I know that in the context of our Restart programme it is a very substantial portion of our rural strategy.”
Tsvangirai, in Chan’s view seemed to occupy a space between that of a leader of the opposition, very sure of the ground on which he stood, and a trade union leader still becoming a politician.
“No one had ever doubted his foundation idealism, his moral sense and outrage, and his sheer courage. This had always conveyed itself to his supporters by a charisma which very few in Zimbabwe could match,” Chan adds.
Chan was now keen on exploring what sort of president Tsvangirai could be.
“After all, he would walk the halls of the African Union, the Commonwealth and the United Nations. He would negotiate with the IMF in Washington and meet the exceedingly judgmental interests of Europe.”
Here, the MDC’s projection of itself has been completely invisible, Chan notes.
Tsvangirai responds by saying: “…there has been criticism that we were ready to run to the EU, run to the Americans, to take action on Zimbabwe, run to them and say they were ignoring the Africans. I think it’s a criticism well taken.
“We have been working and trying to make sure that the African agenda becomes the defining thrust in confronting (Robert) Mugabe – – not an EU or American agenda – – and we have been starting with our diplomatic initiative with (Thabo) Mbeki, with the leaders of the region, and with the African Union.”
Previously, Chan observes, the MDC’s diplomacy had been almost plaintive, pleading for external action on Zimbabwe; or hectoring, demanding external action. If there was a new focus, what was it? Did they have a broader foreign policy?
“Zimbabwe must be part of the international community, adhering to international standards of confidence, of democracy, human rights and of course elections,” Tsvangirai says.
Rather than the international community defining what Zimbabwe should be, Tsvangirai states “we find our niche rather than anyone else finding it for us”.
Moving on to the security sector Chan asks Tsvangirai about military preparedness, philosophy and commitment.
“Peace, law and order must be the purview of the police force. I think that the defence forces must be more for defence than offence.”
The guiding philosophy for a Tsvangirai-led government would be to “reduce our defence expenditure but keep a versatile, well-equipped, well-trained, well-supported but smaller defence force”.
On the issue of peacekeeping Tsvangirai posits that they would only undertake such ventures under the United Nations.
“We are not going to undertake adventurist peacekeeping efforts, or so-called conflict-prevention efforts like we did in the Congo. It is not part of our philosophy.”
Chan zeroes in on the plunder in the Congo. In the new Zimbabwe, led by the MDC, would there be inclusiveness for the senior military plunderers?
To this Tsvangirai responds by saying the culture of plunder in the military would require a long-term, not a short-term solution.
“Our philosophy is not to destabilise, because if it is done in a rushed way – – if you have a Truth and Justice Commission for instance – – a lot of people will not escape it.
“So I think that part of our rationale really has to include phasing out this crop of military leadership, but without making it a sudden and abrupt thing.”
Chan notes the distinction Tsvangirai makes in describing the term Truth and Justice Commission and the South African variant, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
We need not only truth to be told but also justice, Tsvangirai declares.
“It goes beyond South Africa. Because I think our philosophy is that you cannot hide the truth. At the same time, you cannot ignore the plight of the victims, the cries of the victims, neither should the perpetrators be allowed to get away with it.”
In the last installment Chan explores the fissures within the MDC, the 2008 elections and Thabo Mbeki’s role.
Original Source: 
Original date published: 20 April 2011
Source: http://allafrica.com/stories/201104220583.html?viewall=1