WARNING: This is Version 1 of my old archive, so Photos will NOT work and many links will NOT work. But you can find articles by searching on the Titles. There is a lot of information in this archive. Use the SEARCH BAR at the top right. Prior to December 2012; I was a pro-Christian type of Conservative. I was unaware of the mass of Jewish lies in history, especially the lies regarding WW2 and Hitler. So in here you will find pro-Jewish and pro-Israel material. I was definitely WRONG about the Boeremag and Janusz Walus. They were for real.
Original Post Date: 2011-04-22 Time: 14:00:04 Posted By: News Poster
By Dumisani Nkomo
THE Sadc Troika’s position on Zimbabwe has raised the ire of Zanu PF, its acolytes and apologists who have argued that Sadc’s strong stance on Zimbabwe is tantamount to “interfering in the internal affairs of a sovereign state”. This is in spite of the fact that President Robert Mugabe himself has been at the forefront of the philosophy of African solutions to African problems.
Sadc, its counterpart in West Africa Ecowas, and the African Union do have a role to play in the affairs of member countries whose internal political contexts threaten both regional security and the lives of civilians in those countries.
Historical and contextual issues
Can Africa solve its own problems? Does Africa have the capacity to solve the various problems of African member states? Richard Dowden notes that Africa has had over 30 wars and social upheavals in the period from the 1990s to present. These conflicts and civil wars have ranged from the genocides of Rwanda and Burundi, the Somali conflict, and the killings in the Darfur region of Sudan. This has been excercabated in the last few months by the North African uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya.
Pertinently there has been the crisis in Ivory Coast which has seen Alassane Ouattara take up arms against strongman and former president Laurent Gbabgo. These multiple crises have brought to the fore questions about the ability of African regional groupings such as Ecowas and Sadc in addressing conflict issues in Africa. These conflicts are also increasingly forcing regional bodies to relocate their positioning in global geo-politics and transnational relations.
It is important for African countries through the AU and regional groupings to show leadership in resolving crisis situations in the continent. There are encouraging signs in Libya of African leaders’ involvement with South African President Jacob Zuma leading diplomatic efforts in that country.
Ecowas made its position clear in Ivory Coast when it endorsed the presidency of Ouatarra. Critically we have to ask ourselves whether these interventions have been timely or effective as the AU seemed to be taking concrete steps only after substantive action was taken by the UN in both the Ivory Coast and Libya.
The solid stance taken by the Sadc Troika on the excesses of Mugabe are also encouraging signs that much more can be done by Africans for Africa. Is it, however, a case of too little too late and what lessons can be learnt moving forward? I detect signs of slow but sure change.
Is Africa’s incapacity to deal with its problems a result of resource constraints or lack of political will?
These are important questions that we need to interrogate as we locate the role of the AU and regional bodies in addressing the problems of various African countries. We should also interrogate the intervention mechanisms and their efficacy as well the effectiveness of regional bodies in addressing issues of regional peace and security.
The AU and its surrogate regional bodies such as Sadc and Ecowas carry within their mandate the imperative of promoting and protecting democratic processes and institutions within member states.
Regional bodies also have a critical role to play in promoting regional peace, stability and security and it is in this context that I would like to argue that the contagion effects of instability make it mandatory, if not imperative, for these bodies to start addressing issues of truant and rogue member states such as Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Ivory Coast and Libya who continue to undermine some key tenets of the letter and spirit of the objectives, ethos and founding philosophies of the AU and the regional bodies.
The AU has metamorphosed from being the Organisation of African Unity with an emphasis on freeing Africa from imperialism to issues of regional integration, growth, promotion of democratic principles and processes.
It is a fact that what happens in one member state will affect what will happen in another country in Africa.
North African contagion
African statesmen and regional bodies are wary of the effects, ramifications and implications of the North African revolutions in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya. They are not oblivious to the happenings in the Middle East which have seen a multiplicity of uprisings against dictatorships.
The manner in which revolution was exported from Tunisia to Egypt then to Libya in a matter of weeks will forever change perceptions of regional security, stability and peace. With the advent of globalisation and the information highway, information cannot be locked up by dictators anymore; the spirits of people in such countries cannot be bound by repressive laws.
The resilience of the Tunisian people was transferred to other countries and the collective confidence of oppressed peoples has been boosted by the experiences of other oppressed people rising against dictatorships like an unstoppable tide. In North Africa countries such as Algeria rushed to introduce democratic reforms after noting the contagion effect of revolution.
Sadc seems to have taken a cue from this as clearly articulated by President Rupiah Banda of Zambia. The repression of people in Zimbabwe can easily result in regional insecurity and instability if the people of Zimbabwe decide to remove the dictatorship through people power. This could have implications on countries such as Swaziland and have a ripple effect on the sub-region. Even if this does not happen, the exodus of people from Zimbabwe to neighbouring countries could severely affect the socio-economic and political architectures of these countries.
Leadership renewal
There is also likely to be a change of attitude towards dictatorships because the majority of leaders in Africa are now third generation, post-independence leaders who may want to be associated with an African renaissance premised on ideals of democracy, social and economic transformation. South Africa for example has had Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Kgalema Motlanthe and now Zuma. The country is thus a paragon for leadership renewal albeit within one political party, the ANC. The same story goes for Botswana, Mozambique, Zambia, Malawi and Namibia. Notably though the leadership renewal in most of these countries has been within the ruling parties with the exception of Malawi and Zambia. Angola, Zimbabwe and Swaziland remain exceptions.
Critical issues
There are two critical issues which I think African regional bodies need to start looking at, namely elections and negotiated power sharing arrangements – – in particular, the government of national unity experiments.
I would like to contend that the issue of elections as a mechanism of resolving disputes remains contentious in Africa. Elections in themselves are a democratic tool of facilitating transfer or retention of power. However incumbent governments have used elections as a tool of legitimising their dictatorships through electoral fraud and violence.
A more radical stance needs to be taken by African countries against regimes that steal elections either through rigging or violence. A positive development is the stand by Ecowas against Gbabgo in the Ivory Coast as well the insistence of Sadc for a roadmap to free and fair elections in Zimbabwe.
Disputed elections in Zimbabwe and Kenya amongst other countries have resulted in questionable political settlements that have tended to reward the losers in the elections such as Mwai Kibaki and Mugabe.
There is need to revisit the concept of power sharing as a conflict management tool as it has been abused by incumbents to usurp democracy.
Original Source: 
Original date published: 20 April 2011
Source: http://allafrica.com/stories/201104220575.html?viewall=1