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Venezuela: Commie Chavez to be Dictator

WARNING: This is Version 1 of my old archive, so Photos will NOT work and many links will NOT work. But you can find articles by searching on the Titles. There is a lot of information in this archive. Use the SEARCH BAR at the top right. Prior to December 2012; I was a pro-Christian type of Conservative. I was unaware of the mass of Jewish lies in history, especially the lies regarding WW2 and Hitler. So in here you will find pro-Jewish and pro-Israel material. I was definitely WRONG about the Boeremag and Janusz Walus. They were for real.

Original Post Date: 2007-01-30  Posted By: Jan

From the News Archives of: WWW.AfricanCrisis.Org
Date & Time Posted: 1/30/2007
Venezuela: Commie Chavez to be Dictator
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Venezuela: Commie Chavez to be Dictator

From the News Archives of: WWW.AfricanCrisis.Org


Date & Time Posted: 1/30/2007

Venezuela: Commie Chavez to be Dictator

[Well I agree, he will start off, Mugabe-like, with 18 months, and then he’ll extend it and extend it and next thing, to quote my book, Government by Deception, he will be in “Power FOREVER” – which is the real game! Jan]

Maxwell wrote:-
Here are two articles on Commie Chavez about to become a dictator of Venezuela:

Venezuela™s Chavez about to get blank check
Lawmakers poised to let him do what he wants for 18 months in 11 areas

Fernando Llano / AP
Updated: 7:24 p.m. ET Jan. 29, 2007

CARACAS, Venezuela – Hugo Chavez has just about everything a president could want: popular support, a marginalized opposition, congress firmly on his side and a booming economy as he starts his new six-year term.

Now, he’s about to become even more powerful ” the all-Chavista National Assembly is poised to approve a “mother law” as early as Wednesday enabling him to remake society by presidential decree. In its latest draft, the law would allow Chavez to dictate measures for 18 months in 11 broad areas, from the “economic and social sphere” to the “transformation of state institutions.”

Chavez calls it a new era of “maximum revolution,” setting the tone for months of upheaval as he plans to nationalize companies, impose new taxes on the rich and reorient schools to teach socialist values. With near-religious fervor and plenty of oil wealth, Chavez is mobilizing millions of Venezuelans, intent on creating a more egalitarian society.

Already, profound changes can be seen throughout Venezuela. Those who felt left out of the old system are thrilled at the prospect of having a voice in politics. Others are horrified, predicting that doors will close on their personal freedoms under one-man rule, although exactly what Chavez will do with his power remains unclear.

On a floodlit playground, neighbors meeting to discuss the new mechanics of power are feeling empowered by Chavez. As participants in a new Communal Council, they will get a direct say in spending on projects from public housing to better electricity to fixing potholes ” decisions previously made by local governments.

“The country is headed for transformation, linked directly to all of us,” Freddy Alvarez says into the microphone, describing the coming presidential decrees as a crucial step that will bring new “power to communities.”

Each local council will get up to $56,000 in spending money this year, for a total of about $1.8 billion nationwide.

Not everyone in the crowd is a Chavez supporter, and the gathering in the working-class mountain town of El Junquito has the feel of a town hall meeting. But Chavez has publicly compared the councils to the people’s assemblies or “soviets” formed during the Russian revolution.

“All of the power to the Communal Councils, power to the people,” Chavez said in a recent speech. “It is the power of the revolution.”

Some seek foreign passports
Outside the Spanish Embassy, dozens line up with documents in hand. Many plan trips for tourism or study, but Henry Krakower is thinking darker thoughts. He wants a passport for his 10-year-old son in case they need to leave for good.

“I don’t really know what all the coming changes are, but I don’t think it’s the best idea to give all the power to a single person for him to decide on my behalf,” says Krakower, the son of a Polish concentration camp survivor who found a haven in Venezuela after World War II.

Government officials insist there will be total freedom of religion and speech and that private property will be safe, but the Krakowers aren’t so sure. Listening for clues to what lies ahead, they worry about economic restrictions and ideology in education. At their son’s private Jewish school, some parents are talking about how and when to leave the country.

“I think the president is going to do what he wants to do, because he will have all the power to decide on all things,” Krakower says. “I think we’re headed toward totalitarianism.”

In newspapers, full-page state ads list the five engines driving Chavez’s self-styled revolution, from a “New Geometry of Power” to “Constitutional Reform” that could include ending presidential term limits.

“Nothing stops the revolution!” reads the ad, a sobering thought for the wealthy who live in walled enclaves, belong to exclusive golf clubs and dine at the best restaurants. Though Chavez insists he will respect private property, he plans a new “luxury” tax on everything from second homes to art collections, and the rich will undoubtedly feel the pinch.

For now, the economy is flush with oil money and business is brisk at Caracas shopping malls. But among whistle-blowing anti-Chavez protesters, middle-class retiree Teresa Cifontes grimaces at what she sees coming: “Within one year, complete communism.”

Cifontes, 65, is so dismayed at the changes that she can’t tolerate Chavez’s admirers ” even within her own family. Her nine brothers and sisters all used to attend family get-togethers, but now three no longer come because their Chavismo sparks heated arguments.

“They’re blind,” she says bitterly. “What he’s forming is a dictatorship.”

Chief justice backs Chavez
Short of a drastic fall in global oil prices, there seems to be little that can stop these changes in Venezuela. The Supreme Court’s president, Omar Mora Diaz, has welcomed Chavez’s plan to legislate by decree. Street protests have been small and scattered, and the complaints of opposition politicians, left without a vote since boycotting 2005 congressional elections, are largely disregarded by the pro-Chavez majority.

Those who re-elected Chavez by a wide margin in December say Venezuela’s democracy is healthier than ever.

“We couldn’t have more democracy,” says Danny Albarran, one of several women in the slum of San Juan who like what they’re getting from this revolution: free meals for schoolchildren, free checkups from a Cuban doctor and a state-run fitness program for the elderly.

“The president’s intentions are very good. He wants a country where everything functions well,” says Lourdes Mujica, a disabled woman with rheumatoid arthritis who receives free treatment, adult education classes and monthly cash benefits of $238.

How much say the public will have in how Chavez uses the “enabling law” remains unclear, but lawmakers have been holding assemblies to gather public input.

“If there is no popular participation, there will be no socialism,” lawmaker Dario Vivas said at one meeting. “Socialism is, definitively, giving power to the people.”

(194)Â 2007 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Source: The Associated Press
URL: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/16876033/br>

Che(161)¡vez Calls for United Socialist Party of Venezuela
Monday, Jan 29, 2007 Print format
By: John Riddell – Socialist Voice

When supporters of Venezuelan president Hugo Che(161)¡vez rallied in the Teresa Carrena theatre in Caracas to celebrate their presidential election victory December 15, 2007, “there were cheers in the back half of the theatre,” writes Michael Lebowitz, “but few in the high-priced seats.”

This was not because Che(161)¡vez spoke of going forward to socialism and combating corruption ” that wasn™t new ” but because “it was all about the new party,” which Che(161)¡vez insisted must be built “from the base” by the popular committees that fought and won the election. (“Che(161)¡vez Moves Forward,” venezuelanalysis.com)

The prospect of a united, fighting party of the Venezuelan masses is indeed unsettling to the conservative careerists who occupy many high posts in the pro-Che(161)¡vez political parties. But for working people, it could be the instrument they need to break the present deadlock in Venezuela™s class struggle and move decisively against capitalist rule.

Victory Without Precedent
The victory of the Bolivarian movement in the December 3 presidential elections has created the most favourable conditions yet for such an advance. The Venezuelan people made the elections as the occasion for their largest mobilization ever in support of the Bolivarian movement and President Hugo Che(161)¡vez.

The pro-Che(161)¡vez vote of 7.3 million (63% of votes cast) was almost double his total in the last presidential elections, and 25% more than in the recall referendum of 2004. Moreover, Che(161)¡vez supporters on election day massively occupied the streets, forestalling any opposition effort to challenge the vote.

So massive was the victory that the right-wing opposition, for the first time since the Bolivarians took office in 1998, conceded that they had indeed lost the election and that Che(161)¡vez was Venezuela™s legitimate president. With characteristic generosity, Che(161)¡vez congratulated the opposition for “their display of democracy” and invited them to “include themselves in the process of building the new Venezuela.”

Program for Change
When his new cabinet was sworn in on January 8, Che(161)¡vez pledged to set a fast pace in carrying out the mandate of Venezuelan voters. Among his proposed measures: nationalization of key industries privatized under previous governments, including the giant telecommunications and electricity companies, and expansion of government ownership of oil projects. The national bank™s independence will be curbed.

More power will be transferred to the recently created communal councils (see below). What is needed, Che(161)¡vez said, is to “dismantle the bourgeois state” and create a “communal state.”

Progress toward a new socialist party will be crucial in enabling these and other programs to advance.

Danger From Within
According to Lebowitz, a Caracas-based Marxist writer, the main danger to the Venezuelan revolution comes not from this opposition, its backers in Washington, or the capitalist class they represent. “The problem of the Venezuelan revolution is from within. It™s whether it will be deformed by people around Che(161)¡vez.”

Many officials in the Bolivarian political parties “want Che(161)¡vez without socialism,” Lebowitz says, and “want to retain the power to make decisions from above.” (See “Challenges for Venezuela™s Revolution,” in Socialist Voice #100)

Following the elections, officials of many of the two dozen parties of the Bolivarian movement made boastful statements regarding how many of the Che(161)¡vez votes had been on their ticket. (Under Venezuelan electoral law, Che(161)¡vez™s vote is the sum total of that of all the parties who named him as their candidate. The Movement for the Fifth Republic [MVR] picked up about two-thirds of the Bolivarian votes; the rest were widely scattered.)

“Let™s not fall into lies,” said Che(161)¡vez on December 15. “Those votes were not for any party they were votes for Che(161)¡vez, for the people.” The audience then responded with an ovation to his call, “Don™t divide the people!”

A New Party
“The revolution requires a united party, not an alphabet soup,” Che(161)¡vez said. “I Hugo Che(161)¡vez Frias declare today that I am going to create a new party.” It will be “a political instrument at the service not of blocs or groupings but of the people and the Revolution, at the service of socialism.” To great applause, he proposed the name “United Socialist Party of Venezuela” (PSUV).

As for those who doubt the wisdom of this proposal, Che(161)¡vez continued, “I don™t have time to bury myself in a debate they are entirely free to pursue their course.” But “obviously, they will leave the government.”

The new party will not be a copy of any existing organization. As for the dominant Bolivarian party, the MVR, which Che(161)¡vez himself founded, “it work is completed; it must pass into history.” Nor would party officials be automatically carried over to the new formation: “You will not see me with the same old faces, the same party leaderships ” no, that would be a deception.”

How then will the party be formed? Che(161)¡vez recalled the battle of the recall referendum in 2004, which was won by thousands of Units for the Electoral Battle (UBEs), made up of working people across the country. “Afterwards, I asked everyone to maintain the UBEs but almost everywhere they were lost. Let us be sure this does not happen after our great victory of December 3.”

Built by the Ranks
Hailing the great work of 11,000 Bolivarian battalions, 32,800 platoons, and innumerable squads in rallying the people for this victory, Che(161)¡vez said, “Let not a single squad dissolve. Starting tomorrow, the leaders of the squads, platoons, and battalions must bring together their troops, their worthy troops, who are the people.”

Get hold of a computer, typewriter, whatever, Che(161)¡vez said, and draw up a list ” “a census of the activists, sympathizers, and friends” ” for “the battalions, platoons, and squads will be the basic national structure” of the new party, a party built “from below.”

Che(161)¡vez blasted the prevailing custom of hand-picking candidates and leaders from above ” in the Venezuelan idiom, singling them out “with the finger.” “Enough of the little finger,” he said, “and generally it™s often my finger,” when he is “asked to take decisions on candidates. This should all be done from below, from the base. The people should take these decisions, as has been written in our Constitution for seven years, except we haven™t done it. Now is the time to start.”

Elitist Models
Most Latin American left parties of the 20th century, Che(161)¡vez noted, had “copied the Bolshevik model of the party,” which under Lenin™s leadership brought victory in the Russian revolution of 1917. Later, this party “went off course, which Lenin could not prevent because he was ill and died very young.” The Bolsheviks “ended up as an anti-democratic party, and the wonderful slogan, (152)˜All power to the soviets,™ ended up as (152)˜All power for the party.™

“In my humble opinion, this deformation took place close to the outset of the socialist revolution that gave birth to the Soviet Union, and we saw the results 70 years later” in the USSR™s collapse. Workers did not come out to defend the Soviet system “because it had become converted into an elitist structure that could not build socialism.

“We here will build Venezuelan socialism ” an original Venezuelan model.”

The new party “must be created not for electoral purposes ” even though it will carry out electoral battles as we have done,” Che(161)¡vez said. “The task is to carry out the battle of ideas for the socialist project.” For this purpose, everyone must “study, read, discuss” and “distribute information, printed material.”

Roots of Socialism in Religion
Che(161)¡vez took care to present socialism not as something new, invented, or imported, but as growing organically out of the traditions and beliefs of the Venezuelan people. The socialist project, he said on December 3, is “Indo-Venezuelan, homegrown, Christian, and Bolivarian.”

In his December 15 address, he utilized relevant passages in the Christian Bible to good effect.

The prophet Isaiah condemned those who accumulate wealth, “Woe to those who add house to house [and] join field to field, until there is no more room” (Isaiah 5:8)

Jesus™s Sermon on the Mount blessed the poor and denounced the rich: “Woe to you that are well fed, for you shall hunger.” (Luke 6:20-25)

“We are much more moderate than Christ,” Che(161)¡vez said. “We don™t want anyone to go hungry” and that the rich “share with us the happiness of being free everyone free and equal.” But Jesus “was a radical, a revolutionary, an avenger, and that™s why he was crucified by the capitalists and imperialists of that time.”

Che(161)¡vez pointed to the example of the early Christian church, quoting the Biblical account that believers who owned land and other property donated them to the community, “and distribution was made to each as any had need.” For the company of believers “were of one heart and soul, and no one said that any of the things which he possessed was his own, but they had everything in common.” (Acts 4:32-35)

Roots of Socialism in Venezuela
“Once Fidel [Castro] told me, speaking of Christ, (152)˜I™m a Christian in social questions.™” Che(161)¡vez added, “Well, the atheists are welcome. This is not a religious movement. I™m just searching for its roots.”

Then he pointed to the example of Sime(179)³n Bole(173)­var, “a pre-socialist thinker,” who believed that society must be based on equality. Among Bole(173)­var™s companions, Sime(179)³n Rodre(173)­guez was a “socialist thinker,” and the Brazilian revolutionary Jose Ignacio Abreu de Lima was author of “the first book on socialism written in the Americas.”

Che(161)¡vez also recalled how the pioneer Peruvian socialist, Jose Carlos Marie(161)¡tegui, had pointed to the socialist project™s roots in the indigenous societies of America. The indigenous peoples “lived in socialism for centuries,” Che(161)¡vez said. Naming several aboriginal communities in Venezuela ” including that of the Delta Amacuro, “where we won 100% of the vote” ” Che(161)¡vez called them “the bearers of the socialist seed in our land, our nation, our America.” They must be the vanguard, he said, “We are going to relaunch Indo-Venezuelan socialism.”

Referring to all these experiences, Che(161)¡vez said, “We™re going to take these models to the neighbourhoods, to the housing developments; we™re going to create spaces for socialism.”

Scientific Socialism
Venezuela could not be satisfied with “utopian socialism,” Che(161)¡vez said. It offered no practical solutions “until Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels launched the Communist Manifesto ” the thesis of scientific socialism.”

They began to propose solutions based on “the transformation of the economic model” which is “fundamental if we wish to build a true socialism. Therefore we must socialize the economy,” including the land, and create a “new productive model,” he said. All the “new spaces that we are creating or regaining” will be “nuclei of socialist construction.”

On January 8, Che(161)¡vez was more explicit: the aim is “social ownership over the strategic sectors of the means of production.”

Barriers to Progress
It is not hard to enumerate the massive obstacles facing Venezuelan workers and farmers along this road. The capitalist profit-making system remains intact ” in fact, has had a banner year. The capitalist right wing controls almost all the media and benefits from the sympathy or lethargy of many in the governmental apparatus. The enemies of the revolution stand ready to use violence and dictatorship to impose their will ” backed to the hilt by U.S. imperialism.

Although the Bolivarian government™s measures have brought tangible benefits to the poor, poverty remains widespread and profound. Land reform has progressed slowly. Only a minority of workers have stable employment in the legal economy.

And the Bolivarian trade union movement that represents this minority is in disarray, wracked by factional divisions, and has done little to implement the government™s program to expand workers™ control.

But the most immediate barriers impeding further advances towards overturning capitalism in Venezuela lie in the political realm ” the state bureaucracy ensconced in the ministries and different levels of government, and a vast layer of careerists operating in the traditional political parties, including pro-Chavist organizations.

Most political parties in Venezuela function as electoral machines dominated by parasitic elements who use them to control and dispense jobs and other favours to their clientele. By launching a new united socialist party, Che(161)¡vez has made an important move to allow workers and farmers to push these elements aside and position themselves to fight more effectively for their class interests.

Strategy for Socialism
The Bolivarian movement has not developed any blueprint for the transformation of this economy. Che(161)¡vez™s speech on the new party, however, gives evidence of a strategy for the struggle for socialism based on placing power in the hands of the working people who have beaten back capitalist assaults in each successive confrontation. “We will build it from below, an endogenous socialism,” Che(161)¡vez said.

If built as Che(161)¡vez advocates, the new party could solve the central challenge facing the Bolivarian movement: that of linking the worker and farmer base together with their chosen leadership in a cohesive, democratic political movement.

As for the government apparatus, the Bolivarians continue to focus on creating parallel institutions controlled by the worker-farmer ranks. On December 15, Che(161)¡vez focused on the Communal Councils (Consejos Comunales), of which 16,000 have been organized to coordinate action around the concerns of residents. “They are the key to peoples™ power,” he said, appealing for their extension to every party of the country.

These councils, he said, must “transcend the local framework” and achieve “a sort of regional federation of Communal Councils” that could elect coordinating bodies. On January 8, he went further, projecting the councils as the embryo of a new state.

A united socialist party will be key weapon in the fight to achieve such goals.

Challenge to Socialist Movement
On December 3, Che(161)¡vez dedicated his election victory “to the Cuban people and to president Fidel Castro, brother, comrade, companion.” The inspiration, guidance, and practical help of the Cuban revolutionaries has been crucial in winning Venezuelan working people to support socialism. Today Venezuela, allied with Cuba, plays a similar role in winning new forces internationally to the goal of socialism.

The outstanding significance of Che(161)¡vez™s new-party initiative, as of all the Bolivarians™ major struggles of the last couple of years, is that a vision of authentic socialism is taking root. Socialists around the world must ensure that the voice of the Bolivarians is heard and understood heard by rebels and activists everywhere.

References
Hugo Che(161)¡vez on the new party, December 15 (in Spanish, text plus video)
Hugo Che(161)¡vez on his re-election, December 3 (in English)
Michael Lebowitz, “Venezuela Moves Forward” Venezuelanalysis.com
Michael Lebowitz, “Challenges for Venezuela™s Revolution” Socialist Voice #100
C. Wynter & Jim McIlroy, “Marta Harnecker: Venezuela™s Experiment in Popular Power,” Green Left Weekly

Original source / relevant link:
Socialist Voice

URL: http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/articles.php?…/p>


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